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    29 april

    悼念柏杨

    看到新闻说柏杨昨天仙逝,挺让我伤感的。
    看过的书不多,但是从来就真心喜欢钱钟书与柏杨。
    两个人的大著作都没有读过,这样就说喜欢,好像也真的是很没面子。

    看过柏杨一本杂文集,当年我姥爷癌症晚期天天住院,爸爸手里的一本书。
    杂文集是收集里他出狱后的文章,一个12岁的人很多读不懂,但是就是喜欢上了。
    不敢评价自己为什么喜欢上,因为实在没有这个实力。就是觉得文字可以很诚实。

    看过的书实在太少,受到POP CULTURE的影响太大,高中之后接受的都是浮在生活中的‘文化’。
    真的是很遗憾。

    28 april

    老豆


    世界上永远有个人对我是最清醒的,最敏感的;
    他说他很想念曾经傻兮兮、做事太猛太急太要强、世界里只有黑白的我;
    他说有一天我会体会到人生是个过程、不是结果。
    27 april

    老。。。电影


    昨天电视上在重播阿诺州长的老电影 -- TRUE LIES 真实的谎言。
    作为15年前中国引进的大片,我对这个电影的印象几乎是零。
    一边做自己的事,一边扫着这个电影,才发现整个片子的背景是在DC。片头的街上打斗和追踪竟然是在GEORGETOWN。
    电影看起来一点不觉得老,打斗爆炸幽默套路现在每一个好莱坞片子一样照用,可还是觉得自己老了。
    23 april

    The Right Thing


    After spending almost the whole afternoon in California DMV and another a little over $1,500,
    I got my overdue California car plate.

    The right thing is always so expensive to do, in terms of time and dollar amount.
    I think I'm more into American ways as I should or realize.
    22 april

    Earth Day

    地球日,
    台湾人说要减音、减食、减碳。
    除了减食,我都用行动支持。

    18 april

    无国界、有底线


    最近我师傅的博上天天都有英文日记。
    不知道他写的时候享受不享受,不过我明天阅读与COMMENT得很享受。
    师傅说INTERNET上什么都有,所以他可以看到很多美国的SITCOM 和电影。
    这个周末会上个电影,与李连杰成龙的那个一起上的,搞笑片 Forgetting Sarah Marshall. 
    这个电影的制作、编剧、导演都是 40-Year-Old Virgin 与Knocked Up 的原版。
    我对这个风格的搞笑有着MIXED FEELING,的确很好笑,但是有的时候超出我的底线。
    所以当年40-Year-Old Virgin 出来了两年我才看,后来的Knocked Up 根本没有去看,因为有女人生产时的器官特写。
    今天NEW YORK TIMES上把电影好好的表扬了一下,尤其表扬这个制作系统的电影如何反传统以及如何非商业性。
    比如说,传统好莱坞商业电影只有女性的FULL FRONTAL裸体特写,而这个电影只有男性的FULL FRONTAL 裸体特写。
    “Forgetting Sarah Marshall” is rated R (under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian).
    It has crude sexual humor and full-frontal male nudity.

    听起来,没有超过我的搞笑底线,只是还没有超过我是否去看电影的好奇底线。

    另外,4月19日上午,洛杉矶华人民间组织去CNN总部门前示威游行。
    没有意外的话,我去不了,因为工作关系。
    我认识的人会去,说周五先支持完华人电影 --- 就是李连杰成龙的那个,周六早上就去示威。
    听起来很有组织。还有听说,伦敦4月19日也有游行,那岂不是24小时之内好几次,遥相辉映。
    还是那句,侮辱了我们的人民,就是活该被示威。

    顺便也要宣传一下李连杰成龙的那个电影,虽然不明白中文名字‘功夫之王’和英文名字有个什么关联 --
    “The Forbidden Kingdom” is rated PG-13 (Parents strongly cautioned).
    It has many action scenes, some of them fairly brutal.



    16 april

    Never Say Never


    曾经年少,可以说很多‘永远再不。。。这是最后一次。。。。’
    后来发现,其实自己总向惰性让步,已经渐渐失去了当初的骨气。
    今天,就是又一年,自己觉得极忙碌却极失败的那一天。
    14 april

    谁的一辈子


    大概五六岁时候的暑假,有个叔叔带着他女儿和我坐硬卧列车去北戴河。
    他,算是公务,参加劳模开会。
    他女儿那年九岁,第一次去北戴河看海;
    我,去看我姑姑。
    一张下铺的票,算是公家为了他报销的。
    晚上的时候,我睡铺上;他女儿睡下铺的下面,就是地上;他在过堂的床边的座位上坐了一晚。


    这个周末他在临退休前来美国公费旅游10天,从东岸玩到西岸,LA是旅程的最后一站。
    因为工作繁忙,我只能周六晚上去见一面,一顿饭都吃不上。
    短短15分钟,他非要送我下电梯出宾馆,两手还拎着大概10斤的秋林红肠与干肠。
    我开车离开经过他们的时候,听到他告诉他同行的人,‘这个丫头跟着我一辈子,就是有缘啊。’

    我的命好,总是能跟着这些我在意和在意我的人,可是我多希望他们能跟着我一辈子。

    13 april

    东与西



    一直以来NEW YORK TIMES是最喜欢的美国报纸,因为足够LIBERAL。CO-ED是最喜欢的版面。
    以前评价(褒与贬)中国,中国政府,中国经济,中国环境,中国对外政策的文章都有读。
    很多报道我都持保留意见。
    心里永远都记着在美国受到教育的精髓 -- ‘世界上任何东西都有两面性’‘从不同角度看事情才是唯一客观的’。
    喜欢在世界的另外一端看别人怎样看自己的国家,喜欢琢磨其他人、其他语言、与其他国家的思维方式。
    有的报道让我丰富了知识,有的报道让我比较到不同。
    美国人的世界观很大程度上永远都是‘用事实说话’,因为他们是个喜欢收集事实的民族。
    可是有的时候,通过否认一个政府来否认一个国家的人民,是我认为世界上最愚蠢的行为,是我最不屑的一种行径。

    我对宗教与政治几乎连最基本的知识都没有,但是一个国家的人民是永远不可被简单评价分析与伤害的,政府与政策随你们的便。

    NEW YORK TIMES的CO-ED仍然是我喜欢的版面,可是希望以后会少见到这种以评价分析与伤害他国人民与人性价值观的文章。

    April 13, 2008
    Op-Ed Contributor

    China’s Loyal Youth

    By MATTHEW FORNEY

    Beijing

    MANY sympathetic Westerners view Chinese society along the lines of what they saw in the waning days of the Soviet Union: a repressive government backed by old hard-liners losing its grip to a new generation of well-educated, liberal-leaning sophisticates. As pleasant as this outlook may be, it’s naïve. Educated young Chinese, far from being embarrassed or upset by their government’s human-rights record, rank among the most patriotic, establishment-supporting people you’ll meet.

    As is clear to anyone who lives here, most young ethnic Chinese strongly support their government’s suppression of the recent Tibetan uprising. One Chinese friend who has a degree from a European university described the conflict to me as “a clash between the commercial world and an old aboriginal society.” She even praised her government for treating Tibetans better than New World settlers treated Native Americans.

    It’s a rare person in China who considers the desires of the Tibetans themselves. “Young Chinese have no sympathy for Tibet,” a Beijing human-rights lawyer named Teng Biao told me. Mr. Teng — a Han Chinese who has offered to defend Tibetan monks caught up in police dragnets — feels very alone these days. Most people in their 20s, he says, “believe the Dalai Lama is trying to split China.”

    Educated young people are usually the best positioned in society to bridge cultures, so it’s important to examine the thinking of those in China. The most striking thing is that, almost without exception, they feel rightfully proud of their country’s accomplishments in the three decades since economic reforms began. And their pride and patriotism often find expression in an unquestioning support of their government, especially regarding Tibet.

    The most obvious explanation for this is the education system, which can accurately be described as indoctrination. Textbooks dwell on China’s humiliations at the hands of foreign powers in the 19th century as if they took place yesterday, yet skim over the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and ’70s as if it were ancient history. Students learn the neat calculation that Chairman Mao’s tyranny was “30 percent wrong,” then the subject is declared closed. The uprising in Tibet in the late 1950s, and the invasion that quashed it, are discussed just long enough to lay blame on the “Dalai clique,” a pejorative reference to the circle of advisers around Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

    Then there’s life experience — or the lack of it — that might otherwise help young Chinese to gain a perspective outside the government’s viewpoint. Young urban Chinese study hard and that’s pretty much it. Volunteer work, sports, church groups, debate teams, musical skills and other extracurricular activities don’t factor into college admission, so few participate. And the government’s control of society means there aren’t many non-state-run groups to join anyway. Even the most basic American introduction to real life — the summer job — rarely exists for urban students in China.

    Recent Chinese college graduates are an optimistic group. And why not? The economy has grown at a double-digit rate for as long as they can remember. Those who speak English are guaranteed good jobs. Their families own homes. They’ll soon own one themselves, and probably a car too. A cellphone, an iPod, holidays — no problem. Small wonder the Pew Research Center in Washington described the Chinese in 2005 as “world leaders in optimism.”

    As for political repression, few young Chinese experience it. Most are too young to remember the Tiananmen massacre of 1989 and probably nobody has told them stories. China doesn’t feel like a police state, and the people young Chinese read about who do suffer injustices tend to be poor — those who lost homes to government-linked property developers without fair compensation or whose crops failed when state-supported factories polluted their fields.

    Educated young Chinese are therefore the biggest beneficiaries of policies that have brought China more peace and prosperity than at any time in the past thousand years. They can’t imagine why Tibetans would turn up their noses at rising incomes and the promise of a more prosperous future. The loss of a homeland just doesn’t compute as a valid concern.

    Of course, the nationalism of young Chinese may soften over time. As college graduates enter the work force and experience their country’s corruption and inefficiency, they often grow more critical. It is received wisdom in China that people in their 40s are the most willing to challenge their government, and the Tibet crisis bears out that observation. Of the 29 ethnic-Chinese intellectuals who last month signed a widely publicized petition urging the government to show restraint in the crackdown, not one was under 30.

    Barring major changes in China’s education system or economy, Westerners are not going to find allies among the vast majority of Chinese on key issues like Tibet, Darfur and the environment for some time. If the debate over Tibet turns this summer’s contests in Beijing into the Human Rights Games, as seems inevitable, Western ticket-holders expecting to find Chinese angry at their government will instead find Chinese angry at them.

    Matthew Forney, a former Beijing bureau chief for Time, is writing a book about raising his family in China.



    09 april

    something P.R.C


    • 最近网上和生活中天天都有人在示威,反示威,游行,反游行,抵制,反抵制。很高兴看见大家真的爱国。最高兴的事看见大家拿着各地各国人家的语言来行动。我知道没有人可能没有用这个角度想过,不过我真觉得这是最让人自豪的地方。
    • 今天在网上看了洪晃的那个新节目 -- Crossing Over 来来往往。Errrrrr... 偶像其实是个长得不错的人,带着个CHANEL派系的项链,眼镜也比HARRY POTTER要可爱,E文.... 可能是我的问题,期望太高,或者时代不同的语言也不同,当然发音没的说哈。节目不错。btw, Peggs does look like Julia Roberts.... xixixi....
    • 现在还在殷勤工作,下周后生活重心一定做调整。希望自己也马上成为 something PRC.
    两张4月9日三藩市反藏独、护圣火游行的抓拍
    2402394742_1d0f07ce56_o sf relay 12402422724_18812efed9_o sf relay 2
    04 april

    Warm, Fuzzy Feeling

     
    咖啡因终于做了一件好事,
    熬到凌晨5点,终于远程骚扰成功。
    就这么大出息,只有这时候才会让我得到 a warm fuzzy feeling.
     
     
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